Pandit Jawaharlal
Jawaharlal Nehru 1940-1950: While Jawaharlal Nehru, Gandhi and all were busy pressurizing the British to concede for Swaraj, the British were busy building up public opinion in favour of Division of the Country into two pieces. In 1937, during his presidential address at the Hindu Mahasabha session in Ahmedabad, Vinayak Damodar Savarkar stated, ‘India cannot be regarded today as a unitarian and homogeneous nation; rather, there exist primarily two nations: the Hindus and the Moslems in India.’ Subsequently, in October 1938, the Sindh Provincial Muslim League Conference convened in Karachi and proposed the idea of partitioning India into distinct states. In 1940, during its Lahore session, the Muslim League passed a resolution advocating for Pakistan as a separate nation for Muslims. Following the adoption of the Lahore resolution, Dr. B. R. Ambedkar published a book titled “Thoughts on Pakistan” in 1940, in which he argued for Congress to acquiesce to the demand for Pakistan. He included a map delineating the proposed divisions of India. Then, on March 3, 1943, the Sindh Assembly officially adopted a resolution endorsing the establishment of Pakistan. At that time, the Muslim League and the Hindu Mahasabha were sharing power within the Sindh Assembly.
It is important to recognize that the British made the decision to partition India along communal lines (based on religion) seven years prior to the establishment of Pakistan. (For further insights, please refer to other sections of this article at: Jawaharlal Nehru 1889-1940, Jawaharlal Nehru 1950-64.)
Shyama Prasad Mukherjee advocated for the partition of Bengal in 1946 to safeguard its Hindu-majority regions from being included in a Muslim-dominated East Pakistan. In May 1947, he communicated with Lord Mountbatten, asserting that Bengal should be partitioned even if India itself remained united.
Concerning the British war effort against the Axis powers, Gandhi initially believed that any support extended to the British should be unconditional and characterized by nonviolence. In contrast, Nehru argued that nonviolence was not applicable in the context of defending against aggression, asserting that India should support Great Britain in its fight against Nazism, but only as an independent nation. He maintained that if India could not assist, it should refrain from obstructing the effort. This was Nehru’s position.
The British remained steadfast and did not consent to the formation of a National Government prior to the end of the War. However, they assured the provision of Dominion status following the conflict. In response, Gandhi resolved to initiate a limited civil disobedience campaign in October 1940, involving prominent figures advocating for Indian independence, who were chosen to participate individually. Nehru was apprehended and received a four-year prison sentence, but he was released after serving one year. Let us pause for a moment.
Gandhi nominated Nehru? for what?
In relation to the controversy surrounding Gandhi’s nomination of Nehru as the Prime Minister of India, it is essential to examine the events of that period. Gandhi made this statement on January 15, 1941, expressing his views as follows,
“Some say Jawaharlal and I were estranged. It will require much more than difference of opinion to estrange us. We had differences from the time we became co-workers and yet I have said for some years and say so now, that not Rajaji but Jawaharlal will be my successor.” Thus, Gandhi designated Nehru as his political and moral successor, specifically mentioning Rajaji (C Rajagopalachari) rather than Patel.
In fact, Gandhi promoted a stateless society for India founded on the concept of trusteeship. However, we observe Gandhi designating Nehru as his political successor. This indicates that by 1940, Gandhi had embraced the democratic and republican political framework envisioned by Nehru for post-British India. It is important to recognize that neither Nehru nor Gandhi pursued their principles in secrecy; rather, they did so openly and transparently. Furthermore, it is essential to understand that by electing Nehru’s Congress in the inaugural general elections, the populace affirmed his democratic principles.
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Quit India movement 1942
In 1942, Gandhi urged the British to withdraw from India; although Nehru was hesitant to hinder the allied war effort against the Fascists, he ultimately had no choice but to support Gandhi. Consequently, the Congress party passed the “Quit India” resolution in Bombay on August 8, 1942. However, the British responded quickly, arresting the entire Congress working committee, including Gandhi and Nehru, who were subsequently imprisoned. They remained in jail until their release on June 15, 1945.
In the absence of Congress leaders, the Muslim League, led by Jinnah, gained strength by seizing control of provincial governments, particularly in the North West Frontier Province, Sindh, and Bengal.
Quit India but (we) keep your army
The Hindu Mahasabha, led by Savarkar, opposed the Quit India movement, referring to it as a “Quit India but (we) keep your army” initiative. Hedgewar announced that the RSS would not partake in the Quit India movement, although members of the RSS could engage as individuals. Vajpayee was involved in the Quit India movement briefly but subsequently withdrew by apologizing to the British.
Shyam Prasad Mukherjee
On July 26, 1942, Shyam Prasad Mukherjee addressed a letter to the Governor of Bengal, outlining his recommendations on how to effectively suppress the “Quit India” movement.
“Let me now refer to the situation that may be created in the province of Bengal as a result of any widespread movement launched by the Congress. Anybody, who during the war, plans to stir up mass feeling, resulting internal disturbances or insecurity, must be resisted by any Government that may function for the time being”.
“Fazlul Haq-led Bengal Government along with its alliance partner Hindu Mahasabha would make every possible effort to defeat the Quit India Movement in the province of Bengal”
“The question is how to combat this movement (Quit India) in Bengal? The administration of the province should be carried on in such a manner that in spite of the best efforts of the Congress, this movement will fail to take root in the province. It should be possible for us, especially responsible Ministers, to be able to tell the public that the freedom for which the Congress has started the movement, already belongs to the representatives of the people.
In some spheres, it might be limited during the emergency. Indians have to trust the British, not for the sake for Britain, not for any advantage that the British might gain, but for the maintenance of the defense and freedom of the province itself. You, as Governor, will function as the constitutional head of the province and will be guided entirely on the advice of your Minister.”
Nevertheless, Mukherjee reversed his position and subsequently denounced the British atrocities against the people of Bengal who were involved in the Quit India Movement.
It is also crucial to highlight that the Quit India Movement, characterized by widespread protests and acts of arson, persisted for two years despite the imprisonment of all Congress leaders.
Azad Hind Fauz
Approximately 2.5 million Indians enlisted in the British army and fought in Europe and other regions, including 100,000 volunteers provided by Savarkar to the British in an effort to halt the advance of the Azad Hind Fauz under the leadership of Bose. It is important to highlight that Nehru also opposed the INA’s march into India for different reasons. Nehru was against Bose collaborating with Japan, which was committing egregious war crimes at that time, and he did not wish to see a replacement of British rule with Japanese control.
Indeed, Subhash Chandra Bose traveled through Europe, including Italy, Germany, and Russia, before ultimately arriving in Tokyo to seek military assistance for the expulsion of the British from India.
His Azad Hindu Fauz, or Indian National Army, was established by Rash Behari Bose. Japan supported the INA by releasing Indian Sepoys who had been captured (Prisoners of War).
Rash Behari Bose transferred the leadership of the INA to Netaji Subhash Chandra Bose.
Bose designated his military divisions in honor of Nehru, Gandhi, and Patel, and he advanced towards Kohima. Regrettably, when Japan capitulated to the Allies, the INA was also defeated, leading to the British capturing the INA soldiers as prisoners of war. In 1946, the British prosecuted Indian Sepoys who had allied with the INA. Encouraged by the defections from the Indian Army to the INA, numerous sectors in India rose up against British rule. Widespread strikes commenced, with the notable revolt of naval ratings in Bombay being one such instance. Nehru represented the INA prisoners in the courts of law.
Path to freedom
In May 1944, Gandhi was released from prison on medical grounds and subsequently met Jinnah in Bombay in September, attempting to persuade him against advocating for partition. Later, in 1945, Nehru and all Congress leaders were also released.
The British announced their intention to leave India by 1948 for evident reasons.
During this period, Jinnah proclaimed Direct Action Day to compel Congress to consent to the partition of India. This led to Hindu-Muslim riots in late 1946, resulting in approximately 7,000 fatalities, predominantly among Hindus.
While Gandhi rejected the notion of partition based on religious grounds, Nehru, albeit reluctantly, accepted the reality of the situation. On August 14, Pakistan was established by the British.
The following day, on August 15, 1947, India emerged as an independent nation.
Nehru Patel tussle
Nehru assumed the role of interim Prime Minister of India. However, it is a misconception that Gandhi nominated him. In reality, Nehru was elected by the Constituent Assembly, which had been chosen by the people of India in 1946. This election was facilitated by Nehru’s leadership during the campaign as the President of the Indian National Congress. Prior to this, the names of 12 Pradesh Congress committees had been put forward, suggesting Patel as a candidate for the Party elections of the Indian National Congress in 1946. Nevertheless, Gandhi dismissed the mandate given to Patel by the Congress committees and instead proposed Nehru’s name for the presidential candidacy. As a result, Nehru was elected as the President of the Indian National Congress in 1946, but not as the Prime Minister of India.
Subsequently, elections were conducted for the Constituent Assembly, which was tasked with drafting the Constitution of India and serving as the interim Government. The Congress party, under Nehru’s leadership, emerged victorious in these elections.
In fact, it was M N Roy who, in 1934, strongly advocated for the establishment of a Constituent Assembly. Later, in 1939, C Rajagopalachari also called for the formation of such an assembly. Ultimately, this aspiration was realized in 1946.
Nehru faced numerous challenges during this period. He was a steadfast Democrat and Republican, while Patel and Menon exhibited a more lenient attitude towards the former Rajas and Nawabs.
It is noteworthy that Gandhi initially proposed the complete abolition of the State itself, advocating instead for a system of trusteeship. The British, however, feared that India would fragment into multiple factions upon their departure, leading to perpetual conflict among them.
Nehru rejected Divine and hereditary rights of kings
In July 1946, Nehru notably remarked that no princely state could successfully challenge the military might of independent India. By January 1947, he asserted that independent India would reject the continuation of the divine and hereditary rights of monarchs.
At that point, Nehru was already engaged in popular movements within the former Princely States of India. In 1923, he was incarcerated in Nabha, a princely state, while visiting to observe the struggle being fought by the Sikhs against the purportedly corrupt Mahants.
All India States Peoples Conference (AISPC)
The All India States Peoples Conference (AISPC) was established in 1927 with the aim of promoting democracy within the Indian Principalities and Princely States. Subsequently, in 1939, Nehru was appointed as the President of this organization. The conference played a significant role in the political integration of the Princely States into India. Nehru assigned the responsibility of integrating these Princely States into the Indian Union to Vallabhbhai Patel and V. P. Menon. Their efforts were commendable, as they successfully unified approximately 562 Princely States into the Indian Union by 1950.
Nevertheless, Maharaja Harisingh of Kashmir entered into a standstill agreement with Pakistan, while he refrained from signing a similar agreement with India. Much like the Nizam of Hyderabad State, Harisingh was also attracted to the notion of being a sovereign ruler of his realm. This inclination stemmed from the legal fiction established by the departing British, which asserted that their sovereignty over Indian principalities ceased upon their exit. (This principle, known as the doctrine of lapse, was indeed a fiction, as there were no agreements indicating that the kings had ever surrendered their sovereignty to the British. In reality, the British acted as armed retainers for the kings, who compensated them for military maintenance by granting inams and permitting tax collection in specific regions in exchange for the military services provided by the British Indian Army.)
Rajahs and Nawabs
Consequently, the Rajahs and Nawabs had the option to either join Pakistan or the Indian Union, or to remain independent as Sovereign entities. However, Nehru rejected the notion of divine rights for Kings. According to the Instruments of Accession, Patel and Menon were authorized to have them sign Letters of Accession, which would transfer only Defense, Communication, and External Affairs to the Indian Union. They were permitted to govern their Kingdoms as Rajapramukhs. Nevertheless, they were required to establish people’s assemblies, which must ratify the accessions signed by these monarchs. As a result, the Rajahs and Nawabs lost their dominance over their territories. In response, Patel and Menon provided reassurance to the Rajahs and Nawabs by agreeing to grant them Privy purses and permitting them to keep their mansions and existing movable assets.
Numerous rajas and nawabs accepted the arrangement and integrated into the Indian union, participating in the Indian Constitutional process. However, the kings of Mysore, Saurashtra, and Travancore, along with the Nawab of Bhopal, established their own constitutions. Nonetheless, Saurashtra joined the Indian Union in 1949, while Mysore, Travancore, and Bhopal followed suit in 1952 after the general elections were conducted.
Nizam envisioned the prospect of remaining an independent monarch following the departure of the British from India. The Nizam’s Rajakars (Muslim volunteers) and Doras (Hindu Jagirdars) perpetrated violence against the Hindu population in the Telugu-speaking regions to suppress the popular uprising led by the Communists. In fact, the armed struggle of the Communists was nearing success. However, neither the Nizam’s independence nor the takeover by the Communists was acceptable to Nehru. Ultimately, Sardar Patel issued the order for ‘Police action,’ leading to India’s occupation of Hyderabad. Consequently, the Nizam was compelled to sign the Instrument of Accession on 17 September 1948.
It is noteworthy that the Nizam of Hyderabad lodged a complaint with the United Nations against India, alleging aggression and the unlawful occupation of his Kingdom. This application was ultimately withdrawn in 1978.
Furthermore, during the formulation of the Indian constitution, many Indian leaders at the time, with the exception of Nehru, advocated for the independence of each princely state as a federal entity, in accordance with the original suggestions of the Government of India Act (1935), which entailed the surrender of defense, external affairs, and communications by the former rajahs and nawabs. However, as the constitution drafting progressed and the concept of establishing an Indian Republic took a definitive form, it was resolved that all princely states should be integrated into the Indian Republic, aligning with Nehru’s vision and preferences.
As mentioned in the earlier section of this article, Jawaharlal Nehru was elected as the President of the All India Congress Committee (AICC) in 1946. Subsequently, he was sworn in as the interim Prime Minister of India. He dismissed the notion of divine rights of kings to govern the nation. Therefore, he assumed the responsibility of formulating a Constitution for India grounded in republican and democratic ideals.
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Constituent Assembly
On December 9, 1946, J.B. Kripalani delivered a speech at the inaugural meeting of the Constituent Assembly, during which Sachchidanand Sinha was designated as the Temporary President.
On December 6, 1946, the Constituent Assembly was established, comprising members elected by the legislative councils of the provinces, as well as representatives from the majority of the Princely States.
On December 11, 1946, Dr. Rajendra Prasad was appointed as the President of the Constituent Assembly.
On December 13, 1946, Jawaharlal Nehru presented an ‘Objective Resolution’ that established the foundational principles of the constitution.
On January 22, 1947: Nehru’s Objective Resolution was unanimously accepted as the Preamble of the Constitution of India.
On July 22, 1947: The tricolor flag that we recognize today was officially adopted as the National Flag of India. This flag features three colors—Saffron, White, and Green—arranged from top to bottom, with a size ratio of 3:2 in breadth to length. The Ashoka Dharma Chakra, consisting of 24 spokes, is positioned in the center, replacing the previous Charka.
On August 15, 1947, India was proclaimed an independent nation. Consequently, the British were expelled from India by 1950 without leaving any remnants.
Nehru, serving as the first Prime Minister of the Indian Government, delivered the renowned speech titled “Tryst with Destiny,”
“Long years ago we made a tryst with destiny, and now the time comes when we shall redeem our pledge, not wholly or in full measure, but very substantially. ….It is fitting that at this solemn moment we take the pledge of dedication to the service of India and her people and to the still larger cause of humanity.”
On August 29, 1947, a Drafting Committee was established, comprising six members: Munshi, Muhammed Sadulla, Allada Krishna Swami Ayyar, Gopala Swami Ayyangar, Khaitan, and Mitter, who were tasked with the responsibility of drafting the constitution. Dr. B. R. Ambedkar was appointed as the Chairman of the Drafting Committee.
The principal committees established within the drafting committee are as follows:
Union Power Committee – chaired by Jawaharlal Nehru.
Union Constitution Committee – chaired by Jawaharlal Nehru.
Provincial Constitution Committee – chaired by Vallabhbhai Patel.
Advisory Committee on Fundamental Rights, Minorities, and Tribal and Excluded Areas – chaired by Vallabhbhai Patel. This committee included the following subcommittees:
Fundamental Rights Sub-Committee – led by J. B. Kripalani.
Minorities Sub-Committee – led by Harendra Coomar Mookerjee.
North-East Frontier Tribal Areas and Assam Excluded & Partially Excluded Areas Sub-Committee – Gopinath Bordoloi
Excluded and Partially Excluded Areas (excluding those in Assam) Sub-Committee – A V Thakkar
Rules of Procedure Committee – Rajendra Prasad
States Committee (Committee for Negotiating with States) – Jawaharlal Nehru
Steering Committee – Rajendra Prasad
Constitution committees engaged in discussions for a duration of 2 Years, 11 Months, and 18 Days, ultimately passing resolutions after deliberating on the respective matters. Some resolutions were adopted unanimously, while others required a vote. The Constitution of India was finally ratified by the citizens of India on 26 November 1949.
On 24 January 1950, all members signed and accepted the Constitution, which consists of 395 Articles, 8 Schedules, and 22 Parts.
Consequently, the ‘Constitution of India’ officially came into effect on 26 January 1950.
During this period, Gandhi was assassinated by a Maratha individual in 1948, and Patel passed away in 1950.
Throughout his tenure as interim Prime Minister of India, Nehru played a pivotal role in the drafting of the Constitution of India. His skill and determination ultimately yielded positive results. Initially, Patel and Menon supported the idea of granting partial autonomy to the Princely states. However, Nehru opposed the acknowledgment of the divine rights of kings. He was a staunch Republican at heart. Nehru assigned the task of integrating these Princely States to Patel, who successfully accomplished the task.
During that period, Ambedkar was regarded as the most distinguished intellectual among the educated individuals in India. He possessed expertise in Economics, Political Science, and Law, having been awarded PhDs in each of these fields. However, Ambedkar opposed democracy and the British withdrawal from India. He feared that a majoritarian rule, characteristic of democracies, would lead to further oppression of the lower strata of society. He did not engage in the struggle for independence. When the British government decided to leave India, Ambedkar wrote to the Prime Minister of England expressing his opposition to this decision.
Ambedkar was against the establishment of the Constituent Assembly and corresponded extensively with the British regarding this matter. Interestingly, Nehru appointed Ambedkar to lead the drafting committee of the constitutional assembly. This situation sheds light on Gandhi’s assertion that Nehru was his true successor, rather than Rajaji. Just as the Congress embraced Gandhi’s leadership during the struggle for independence, the populace began to rally behind Nehru after 1946. In addition to Ambedkar, both Jinnah and Shyama Prasad Mukherjee participated in the Constituent Assembly and contributed to the formulation of the Constitution of India.
The Constitution of India, which was enacted on 26 January 1950, established India as a Sovereign Democratic Republic. (The terms Socialist and Secular were incorporated into the Preamble of the Constitution in 1975.)
Approximately 17.60 crore individuals participated in the inaugural General Elections of 1951-52 in the Indian Republic, which were conducted under the adult franchise system. (Previously, only ratepayers in urban areas possessed the right to vote.)
It is crucial to highlight that the Original Constitution did not include any provisions concerning political parties. Subsequently, the Parliament enacted the Representation of Peoples Act, which established regulations related to political parties and elections.
Nehru explicitly affirmed that India would adopt the Westminster system of government, wherein the Cabinet of Ministers is accountable to Parliament.
There would be no monarch, only a President chosen by the representatives of the people, namely the Members of Parliament (MPs). He perceived no function for the Presidents of Political Parties within the Parliament. However, the Floor leaders of the Parliament or Assembly from their respective political parties ought to represent their constituencies. When Congress President Acharya Kripalani objected to Nehru’s assertion that the Party President had no role in Parliament, Kripalani resigned from his position as President of the Congress Party. Nevertheless, Nehru remained steadfast in his position.
It is important to note that the current States of the Indian Union differ from those that were established at that time. There were four categories of States (administrative units) designated as Part A, Part B, Part C, and Part D, as detailed below,
The states classified as Part A were the former provinces that were under direct British administration.
Part B states comprised former princely states or collections of princely states.
Part C states included both the previous chief commissioners’ provinces and certain princely states. Lastly,
Part D is represented by a single entity, the Andaman and Nicobar Islands.
And many of the present States of India were formed in 1956 under linguistic criteria and these are termed as de novo States of 1956. By the way Andhra State and Telugu speaking areas of Hyderabad State (Telangana) were merged into one State as State of Andhra Pradesh. Actually Gandhi expressed his wish for establishment of linguistic States of the Indian Union.
In 1956, numerous current States of India were established based on linguistic criteria, and these are referred to as the de novo States of 1956.
Additionally, the Andhra State and the Telugu-speaking regions of Hyderabad State (Telangana) were combined to form the State of Andhra Pradesh.
In fact, Gandhi articulated his desire for the creation of linguistic States within the Indian Union.
Andhra State
Prior to India attaining Republic status, only two States were established based on linguistic criteria: Orissa and Sindh. In 1911, the Akhilandhra map was created by Andhra leaders such as Jonnavittula Gurunatham and Unnava Lakshmiranayana, illustrating the Telugu-speaking areas within Madras State and Nizam’s Hyderabad State. Following the year 1947, the call for a distinct linguistic State for the Andhras was reiterated in Madras State. During the Bangalore session in 1950, Nehru referred to the demand for an Andhra State as Andhra Imperialism. Therefore, it is essential to recognize that Nehru did not support the establishment of an Andhra State. Additionally, Rajaji strongly opposed the division of Madras State.
In 1952, Shri Potti Sreeramulu, a follower of Gandhiji, initiated a Satyagraha and engaged in a hunger strike lasting 52 days, advocating for the establishment of Andhra State. Despite his efforts, Nehru remained unyielding, leading to Sreeramulu’s tragic death. This event prompted widespread public demonstrations and significant protests, ultimately resulting in the division of Madras State and the creation of Andhra State in 1953.
Following this occurrence, Nehru reconsidered his stance and established a States Reorganization Committee. As a result, new states were formed in 1956 based on linguistic criteria after the committee presented its findings. This process of merging and dividing state territories diminished the political influence of the former Rajas and Nawabs, paving the way for a new federal system grounded in democratic principles.
Indirectly, Nehru’s vision of creating a Democratic Sovereign Republic of India was realized by 1956 during his lifetime, effectively marginalizing the former Rajas and Nawabs from the Indian political landscape. (It is important to mention that although these individuals felt aggrieved by being regarded as equals to the common populace under democratic principles, some chose to compromise, ran for elections, and became Members of Parliament and Legislative Assembly, with a few even taking on ministerial roles.)
Furthermore, it is noteworthy that the citizens of India granted a clear mandate to the Indian National Congress, led by Jawaharlal Nehru, in all elections conducted in 1951, 1957, and 1962. Political parties that did not engage in the struggle for independence, such as the Communist parties, Hindu Mahasabha, and Muslim League, were effectively sidelined.
Dr. B R Ambedkar
It is noteworthy that Dr. B R Ambedkar previously held the position of Member of the Legislative Councils of Mumbai multiple times. He also served as the Governor of Mumbai prior to 1946. Nevertheless, he faced rejection from his own community during the general elections for Parliament in 1952 and the subsequent by-election in 1954, possibly due to his lack of participation in the freedom struggle. Despite this, he was appointed as a Member of the Rajya Sabha and entrusted with the Law Ministry by Nehru.
The Constitution established provisions for the reservation of seats in legislative bodies, including Parliament and State Assemblies, for Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes. However, it is important to highlight that there were initially no provisions for reservations in government jobs for SCs and STs.
Reservations in Government Jobs
During that period, the Madras Presidency had been implementing reservations in government jobs for backward communities since 1929. However, in 1951, the Supreme Court ruled these reservations unconstitutional. Subsequently, Nehru initiated the First Amendment to the Constitution of India, which legalized reservations in government jobs for backward classes. At the national level, only Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes were classified as backward classes. Other backward communities, distinct from SCs and STs, were designated as Other Backward Classes (OBCs). States were then tasked with the responsibility of enacting their own legislation to provide reservations for OBCs at the state level, resulting in the absence of national-level reservations for OBCs. In this context, it is important to recognize that a significant social change occurred in India following 1951.
abolition of Zamindaris
In 1948, several Provincial councils passed resolutions aimed at the abolition of Zamindaris. However, the respective Courts impeded these efforts. Subsequently, after taking office as Prime Minister of India, the Nehru Government issued its inaugural Government Order to abolish Zamindaris. This order allowed Nehru to achieve two significant outcomes simultaneously. It eliminated the fictitious land ownership held by Zamindars, thereby liberating 40% of India’s total cultivated land from these proxy managers. At that time, approximately 80% of India’s population relied on agriculture and farming. Consequently, around 2 crore tenant farmers became the rightful owners of the lands they had been cultivating. Additionally, the second notable outcome was the diminishing threat posed by Communists to the nascent Nation. As a result, farmers who had previously been inclined towards Communism began to distance themselves from Communist parties.
As a result of this order, agricultural communities flourished, while the movement of less developed communities was pushed to the periphery.
However, other non-agricultural communities began to demand job reservations. In response, the Kuppuswamy Commission was established to investigate the issue in Madras State in 1969. Subsequently, OBC reservations were reintroduced in the states of Madras, Karnataka, and Kerala starting in 1972. In contrast, OBC reservations in North India were initiated only in 1990. Consequently, OBC reservations began to be implemented at both State and National levels after 1990.